Tagged: ideologically conservative

“Broadly speaking, Republicans and Democrats have differing conceptions of the role of the judiciary, the meaning of the Constitution and the proper approach to its interpretation. It is no surprise, and no tragedy, that judges appointed by Republican presidents tend toward one set of reasonably predictable conclusions and those named by Democratic presidents another.”

Source: Ruth Marcus. “Justice Ginsburg’s Damage To The Supreme Court.” Washington Post. July 15, 2016. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-damage-justice-ginsburg-did-to-the-supreme-court/2016/07/15/7c80f054-4ab8-11e6-90a8-fb84201e0645_story.html.

“Speaking at the conservative National Review Institute’s ideas summit in Washington, D.C., on Thursday, [Jeb] Bush called Antonin Scalia ‘far and away the most interesting opinion writer’ on the court and praised the conservative justice for his textualist approach to the U.S. Constitution. Yet the justice he is ideologically closest to, Bush said, was Clarence Thomas. ‘There’s a quiet and consistency there I like and I generally agree with his views,’ Bush said, referring to Thomas’ famous habit of not asking any questions during oral arguments. The two justices belong to the conservative bloc that, along with swing vote Anthony Kennedy, has pushed the court to the right in recent years. The two other members of the bloc — Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito — were appointed to the court by former President George W. Bush, Jeb’s brother.”

He’s a Bush, so there’s no question that Jeb’s also not in favor of racial equality, but these recent statements are very revealing because they give a glimpse into the type of person Jeb would appoint to serve as the next justice on the Supreme Court should Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg retire in the near future. One thing is for certain: If Jeb Bush (or any Republican for that matter) is elected into office as the next president of the United States, there will be no social progress and race relations in America will not improve. Things will only worsen.

Source: Igor Bobic. “Jeb Bush Admires Clarence Thomas, Thinks Antonin Scalia Is The ‘Most Interesting Opinion Writer’.” Huffington Post. April 30, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/04/30/jeb-bush-supreme-court_n_7184774.html.

“It’s not unreasonable for the justices to want to spend their time on arguments made by the best advocates. Nor is there anything wrong with the country’s top lawyers demanding top dollar for their skill and hard work. And corporations surely may spend what they wish to litigate on behalf of their interests. But when these forces are combined, the biggest cost of all may fall on regular Americans, for whom justice at the highest court in the land becomes less accessible every day.”

Source: The Editorial Board. “The Best Lawyers Money Can Buy.” New York Times. December 25, 2014. http://mobile.nytimes.com/2014/12/26/opinion/the-best-lawyers-money-can-buy.html?_r=0.

“The United States Supreme Court decides cases involving the nation’s most pressing legal issues, affecting the daily lives of hundreds of millions of Americans — and yet so much about its functioning is shrouded in mystique and exclusivity. The court’s front doors are locked and its vast ‘public’ plaza is off-limits to protesters. Alone among the branches of government, it refuses to televise its proceedings, even though its gallery can seat only 250 members of the public….[T]his exclusivity extends even to the types of cases the court agrees to hear.”

Source: The Editorial Board. “The Best Lawyers Money Can Buy.” New York Times. December 25, 2014. http://mobile.nytimes.com/2014/12/26/opinion/the-best-lawyers-money-can-buy.html?_r=0.

CHRIS ROCK “explains what it’s really like to be black in the entertainment industry.”

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There were definitely a few moments that made me cringe (“[Hollywood]’s a white industry. Just as the NBA is a black industry.”), but overall, Chris Rock’s essay for the Hollywood Reporter simply discusses the same issue that I have been addressing in my lawsuit against William Morris Endeavor Entertainment [the oldest and biggest talent agency in Hollywood] for the last four years: the lack of diversity throughout all levels of Hollywood and the deleterious effects William Morris’ unlawful employment practices had on me, the African American community, as well as society as a whole.

Rock has been acting for more than 30 years, and it’s clear that as much as things change, the more things have stayed the same. It’s funny that Rock and others can STATE THE OBVIOUS, but when I rely on historical, statistical, anecdotal, circumstantial, smoking-gun, documentary and other forms of evidence to demonstrate that William Morris’ has engaged in 116 year pattern and continuing practice of excluding qualified African Americans from meaningful positions such as Agent and Agent Trainee IN AN EMPLOYMENT DISCRIMINATON CASE, they never refute this evidence while simultaneously arguing that I am “anti-Semitic,” “racist” against whites and that I am nothing more than a liar that’s engaging in “bad faith” and raising “frivolous” arguments — to which the “impartial,” Republican appointed federal judge P. Kevin Castel agreed while violating numerous Canons under the Judicial of Conduct and never discussing or citing any of our nation’s antidiscrimination laws. Smdh.

So essentially, William Morris, Loeb & Loeb LLP, P. Kevin Castel, other predominately all-white/”Jewish” institutions like the Anti-Defamation League, etc. are calling ALL OF US liars and that if this industry IS STILL overrepresented by whites and “Jews” of European descent in the 21st century, it’s NOT because these companies are CONTINUING to violate our nation’s antidiscrimination laws by maintaining employment practices, policies and procedures that create a disparate impact against qualified African Americans and people of color — it’s obviously due to our inherent inferiority.

Click the cover to read Rock discuss his experiences as a black man in Hollywood.

“The Supreme Court’s decision in University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center v. Nassar[, 133 S. Ct. 2517 (2013)] represents a watershed moment in employment discrimination litigation. The majority opinion posited that an employee might try to avoid termination by filing a fake retaliation claim against his employer. It also expressed fears about courts, administrative agencies, and employers being subjected to floodgates of litigation. It then explicitly used these concerns about fakers and floodgates to tip substantive discrimination law in an employer-friendly direction.”

Nassar expresses three ideas about employees and their claims. First, the sheer volume of cases is enough to favor a more onerous causal standard. Second, enough employees will bring false claims that substantive retaliation doctrine needs to protect courts, administrative agencies, and employers from fakers. Third, existing procedural mechanisms are not adequate to ferret out these false claims. Rather, they must be dealt with by altering the substantive law.

This Article responds to the alleged fakers and floodgates problem. First, it argues that the Court has created reasons to alter the law that are not grounded in congressional intent. Title VII contains numerous provisions that limit the reach of the statute. Beyond these restrictions, Congress never expressed any intention to limit the number of claims heard by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) or the courts based on concerns about the sheer volume of such claims. Nor did Congress express any intent that the courts use the substantive law to screen for false retaliation cases. Through various provisions in Title VII, Congress established a statute designed to protect employers, employees, and courts. Multiple provisions establish a mechanism to ensure that employees are able to bring claims, that employers can adequately defend against claims, and that courts do not hear claims that can be resolved by the EEOC. Moreover, Title VII was enacted in the presence of several existing devices that can be employed to stem any false claims and any related floodgates of litigation. These devices allow judges to sanction parties who file false claims and to dismiss these cases. While the Supreme Court considers these devices to be adequate to handle the misbehavior of employers, in Nassar the Court rejected the possibility that procedural mechanisms are sufficient to deal with false claims filed by employees.

Second, although we argue that the Court’s fakers and floodgates arguments are improper, they are also problematic because they are not supported by empirical or other evidence. To the contrary, available evidence shows that the number of employment-related civil rights claims is decreasing both in raw numbers and in proportion to the number of civil claims filed in federal court.”  This Article questions whether the judiciary generally, and the Supreme Court in particular, is the best institution to make factual claims about fakers and floodgates.

Third, this Article also challenges the accuracy of the Court’s assertion that changing the substantive law will reduce the number of spurious claims. At best, such a change is a blunt instrument for handling frivolous claims. Most importantly, changing the law represents a choice about what counts as legal retaliation and what does not. By requiring plaintiffs to establish but for cause, the Supreme Court has declared that an employer does not retaliate against an employee (in a legal sense) if the causal connection is less strong. In other words, if an employee can show only that retaliatory motive was a motivating factor in her termination, she has not suffered retaliation under Title VII. 

Fourth, we discuss the dangers of the floodgates and fakers arguments becoming explicitly embedded in judicial doctrine. Such a default position distracts from the larger congressional goal of preventing retaliation and confuses the underlying legal doctrine. Thus far, two courts have already cited the Court’s concerns in their opinions. This Article calls for the EEOC and other organizations concerned with employment discrimination to develop a factual response to arguments about fakers and floodgates before these myths develop into an uncontestable judicial narrative that courts can use to justify other changes in the law.

Finally, we argue that the fakers and floodgates arguments are consistent with a broader problem-courts’ infusion of their own views of evidence of discrimination into procedure and substance. Courts use these devices to prevent juries from hearing factually intensive civil rights cases, even when a plaintiff presents evidence of a colorable claim. (emphasis added)

Smh…

Source: Sandra F. Sperino and Suja A. Thomas. Fakers and Floodgates. Stanford Journal of Civil Rights & Civil Liberties. pg. 223-225. June 2014.

“resolving dissonance through falsehood”

Source: Julia Simon-Kerr. “Systemic Lying.” pg. 30. September 27, 2014.

yesterday, the DISHONORABLE Republican appointed federal judge P. Kevin Castel confirmed William Morris/Loeb & Loeb LLP’s Motion to Confirm the fraudulent Award issued by Timothy K. Lewis of the American Arbitration Association. In further violation of my right to due process, Castel issued a filing injunction against me to make it extremely difficult to file an appeal with the Second Circuit, prejudiced me by saying that the appeal would not be made in “good faith” and took away my in forma pauperis status although he’s aware that I’m living below the poverty level. Smdh!!

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Castel’s abuse of power and utter disregard for our nation’s antidiscrimination laws are unconscionable! We cannot expect the administration of justice to function properly when Presidents intentionally appoint ideologically conservative, racist and/or corrupt individuals like this to the bench for lifelong terms. They ultimately end up like Republican appointed federal judge Robert P. Patterson of the Southern District of New York. Institutionalized racism and corruption throughout our predominately all-white federal courts, help explain why many of the gains made during the civil rights movement have been eviscerated in less than 60 years. This is intentional and “not due to chance.” There is a conspiracy STILL taking place to interfere with the human rights of African Americans and we must collectively understand what is happening, before it is too late.

read Zbigniew Brzezinski’s (aide to Obama) March 17, 1978 Memorandum re: “Black Africa and the U.S. Black Movement.”

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Click here to read his racist report so you can understand why the black community has struggled to produce another leader of the caliber of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. or Malcolm X, since making many civil rights gains during the 1960s and 1970s: http://www.finalcall.com/memorandum-46.htm.

I used this picture because Brezezinski wrote the memorandum while serving as the US National Security Advisor to Democratic President Jimmy Carter and two years later,  he (man on the far left) would go on to work under Republican President Ronald Reagan — a former Hollywood actor who as President, would help the Republican party usher in a more conservative form of politics that was  (and still is) anti-black and extremely hostile to civil rights. Clearly, he has power and I’m sure Brezezinski’s strategies were extremely influential in helping Reagan (as well as other Presidents) and the U.S. government achieve that racist shift that still dominates America’s conscience today.

Former National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski testifies before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Capitol Hill in Washington

While doing more research on Brzezinski, I saw a recent article which reported that he has condemned Israel’s actions in Gaza and that his “strong criticism of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the massacre of Palestinians in Gaza indicates a ‘fundamental change in policy’ by the US government and is a ‘clear message’ to Israel.” Kinda shocking that he would lend his support to the Palestinians given his stance on Black Africa and African Americans in the U.S…

For more information, click here: http://www.albawaba.com/news/advisor-obama-administration-condemns-israels-actions-592985.

“As early as 1806, the Supreme Court in Wise v. Withers, [7 U.S. (3 Cranch) 331 (1806)] had recognized a right to sue a judge for exercising authority beyond the jurisdiction authorized by statute. In 1869, one year after passage of the Fourteenth Amendment and long before due process had assumed its modern contours, the Supreme Court made its first effort to define the limits imposed on state judges. The Court held that state judges possessing general powers were not liable ‘unless perhaps when the acts … are done maliciously or corruptly.’ Then in 1872, one year after the civil rights laws were passed, the Supreme Court overruled its earlier dictum and announced that judges would not be liable even for malicious or corrupt acts.”

Not surprising that the majority all-white Court changed its mind on judicial immunity a year after the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 was passed….

The article also goes on to state:

One fact is clear about the 1866 Act: it unquestionably had abolished judicial immunity from criminal prosecution, in effect overruling the precedent in Floyd. Partly because of this feature, President Andrew Johnson had vetoed the bill, and Congress promptly had overridden the veto amid indignant cries about the tyranny of local Southern officials. During the vote to override, one representative had sharply responded to the President’s concern:

I answer it is better to invade the judicial power of the States than permit it to invade, strike down, and destroy the civil rights of citizens. A judicial power perverted to such uses should be speedily invaded. … And if an officer shall intentionally deprive a citizen of a right, knowing him to be entitled to it, then he is guilty of a willful wrong which deserves punishment.

Others declaimed that immunity for any state official must be abolished because immunity “is the very doctrine out of which the rebellion was hatched.”

Source: Robert Craig Waters, “Judicial Immunity v. Due Process: When Should A Judge Be Subject To A Suit?” Cato Journal, Vol.7, No.2 (Fall 1987). pg. 466-467.