Tagged: hostile to civil rights

“[Chief Justice John] Roberts’s ‘colorblindness’ bears only a superficial resemblance to the concept as understood by past champions of equal rights, since as applied by the conservative majority on the court the approach has had dire consequences for racial minorities. Since Roberts became chief justice, the high court has struck down school desegregation plans, narrowed affirmative action, crippled the Voting Rights Act, limited the circumstances under which Americans can sue for racial discrimination, and enabled the denial of health insurance to millions of financially struggling people of color. Though the opportunity has not yet presented itself, the conservative movement from which Roberts sprung would see the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Fair Housing Act of 1968 destroyed as well.”

With regards to civil rights related cases, especially those involving the rights of African Americans, it is clear that our judicial system is completely rigged and set up in a way that would ensure that many of the gains made during the civil rights movement, would be eviscerated over time while racism continues to thrive. Smdh.

Source: Adam Serwer. “Sonia Sotomayor: Court’s Right Wing ‘Out Of Touch With Reality.’” msnbc. http://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/sonia-sotomayor-slams-supreme-court-right-wing-race-matters.

“Although the U.S. Supreme Court is the most diverse it has ever been – three of the nine justices are women and two are minorities – the elite bar that comes before it is strikingly homogeneous: Of the 66 top lawyers, 63 are white. Only eight are women.”

elitelawyersscotus

Of course, zero [or one  if you count the man on the last row, second from the right] out of the 75 “elite” lawyers identified by Reuters as having the most “success of getting cases before the high court,” are African American. And of course, it is the group that benefits the most from America’s white supremacist system, that are quick to downplay the role of race and/or say to African Americans and other people of color that race/racism doesn’t matter/exist. Sdmh! Houston, we clearly have a problem!!

Source: Jan Biskupic, Janet Roberts and John Shiffman. “At America’s Court of Last Resort, A Handful of Lawyers Now Dominates the Docket.” Reuters. December 8, 2014. http://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/scotus/.

“While the 66 lawyers Reuters identified represented less than one half of 1 percent of all lawyers who petitioned the court during that period, they were involved in 43 percent of the cases the justices heard. An even more elite group — eight lawyers — made almost one of every five arguments the court heard from private attorneys during those years. One of these lawyers, Paul Clement, has argued 75 cases before the court.”

Source: The Editorial Board. “The Best Lawyers Money Can Buy.” New York Times. December 25, 2014. http://mobile.nytimes.com/2014/12/26/opinion/the-best-lawyers-money-can-buy.html?_r=0.

“The Supreme Court’s decision in University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center v. Nassar[, 133 S. Ct. 2517 (2013)] represents a watershed moment in employment discrimination litigation. The majority opinion posited that an employee might try to avoid termination by filing a fake retaliation claim against his employer. It also expressed fears about courts, administrative agencies, and employers being subjected to floodgates of litigation. It then explicitly used these concerns about fakers and floodgates to tip substantive discrimination law in an employer-friendly direction.”

Nassar expresses three ideas about employees and their claims. First, the sheer volume of cases is enough to favor a more onerous causal standard. Second, enough employees will bring false claims that substantive retaliation doctrine needs to protect courts, administrative agencies, and employers from fakers. Third, existing procedural mechanisms are not adequate to ferret out these false claims. Rather, they must be dealt with by altering the substantive law.

This Article responds to the alleged fakers and floodgates problem. First, it argues that the Court has created reasons to alter the law that are not grounded in congressional intent. Title VII contains numerous provisions that limit the reach of the statute. Beyond these restrictions, Congress never expressed any intention to limit the number of claims heard by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) or the courts based on concerns about the sheer volume of such claims. Nor did Congress express any intent that the courts use the substantive law to screen for false retaliation cases. Through various provisions in Title VII, Congress established a statute designed to protect employers, employees, and courts. Multiple provisions establish a mechanism to ensure that employees are able to bring claims, that employers can adequately defend against claims, and that courts do not hear claims that can be resolved by the EEOC. Moreover, Title VII was enacted in the presence of several existing devices that can be employed to stem any false claims and any related floodgates of litigation. These devices allow judges to sanction parties who file false claims and to dismiss these cases. While the Supreme Court considers these devices to be adequate to handle the misbehavior of employers, in Nassar the Court rejected the possibility that procedural mechanisms are sufficient to deal with false claims filed by employees.

Second, although we argue that the Court’s fakers and floodgates arguments are improper, they are also problematic because they are not supported by empirical or other evidence. To the contrary, available evidence shows that the number of employment-related civil rights claims is decreasing both in raw numbers and in proportion to the number of civil claims filed in federal court.”  This Article questions whether the judiciary generally, and the Supreme Court in particular, is the best institution to make factual claims about fakers and floodgates.

Third, this Article also challenges the accuracy of the Court’s assertion that changing the substantive law will reduce the number of spurious claims. At best, such a change is a blunt instrument for handling frivolous claims. Most importantly, changing the law represents a choice about what counts as legal retaliation and what does not. By requiring plaintiffs to establish but for cause, the Supreme Court has declared that an employer does not retaliate against an employee (in a legal sense) if the causal connection is less strong. In other words, if an employee can show only that retaliatory motive was a motivating factor in her termination, she has not suffered retaliation under Title VII. 

Fourth, we discuss the dangers of the floodgates and fakers arguments becoming explicitly embedded in judicial doctrine. Such a default position distracts from the larger congressional goal of preventing retaliation and confuses the underlying legal doctrine. Thus far, two courts have already cited the Court’s concerns in their opinions. This Article calls for the EEOC and other organizations concerned with employment discrimination to develop a factual response to arguments about fakers and floodgates before these myths develop into an uncontestable judicial narrative that courts can use to justify other changes in the law.

Finally, we argue that the fakers and floodgates arguments are consistent with a broader problem-courts’ infusion of their own views of evidence of discrimination into procedure and substance. Courts use these devices to prevent juries from hearing factually intensive civil rights cases, even when a plaintiff presents evidence of a colorable claim. (emphasis added)

Smh…

Source: Sandra F. Sperino and Suja A. Thomas. Fakers and Floodgates. Stanford Journal of Civil Rights & Civil Liberties. pg. 223-225. June 2014.

“resolving dissonance through falsehood”

Source: Julia Simon-Kerr. “Systemic Lying.” pg. 30. September 27, 2014.

“A legal loophole has developed where some employers seek explicitly or implicitly to exempt themselves from Title VII’s provisions by drafting [mandatory arbitration agreements] that eliminate [a person of color’s full] statutory rights and remedies…”

It’s funny to read this, because I argued in my March 2011 Opp. Motion to Arbitration that based on the company’s century-plus pattern and continuing practice of intentionally excluding qualified African Americans from being hired and/or promoted to Agent, Coordinator and Agent Trainee (as demonstrated by the New York office’s modern day inexorable zero when I began employment), William Morris’ arbitration agreements were nothing more than a “savvy, legal loophole” to avoid an impartial jury. Now, I discover an article written in 2001, where the author essentially uses the same phrase to describe some employer’s arbitration agreements due to the fact that “some employers” have and still are strategically using this agreement as a deceptive way to exempt themselves from Title VII’s provisions.

Clearly, if a company is intentionally maintaining a racially segregated workforce (e.g. William Morris Endeavor Entertainment) and their attorneys can never provide a “legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason” or demonstrate a “business justification” for maintaining employment practices, policies and/or procedures that create a disparate impact against qualified African Americans and people of color, then that company is clearly going to want potential claims of racial discrimination made by token minorities out of the court so that the merits will never have a chance at being decided by “the people” — an impartial jury that will most likely not be all-white. It is unconscionable that William Morris can be allowed to act in complete defiance of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, but it’s even more unconscionable that they make employees of color enter into agreements as a condition of employment that eliminate their full statutory rights and remedies by having cases decided in a privitized, quasi-judicial forum that’s pro-employer or repeat player. Unconscionability magnifies when federal judges judges within our nation’s white/”Jewish” controlled judiciary flout the antiscrimination laws themselves and enforce their mandatory, pre-dispute arbitration agreements when in most cases, the employee has little to no bargaining power and most likely has no idea what arbitration is. The icing on the unconscionable cake comes when after three years of litigating and arbitrating your case, you learn that one of the opposing attorneys — Christian Carbone of Loeb & Loeb LLP — is married to an executive — Sasha Angelique Carbone — that works at the supposedly “neutral” arbitral forum [the American Arbitration Association] that ended up dismissing my case with “prejudice and on the merits” after unlawfully disqualifying the original arbitrator who concluded that I proved by a “preponderance of the evidence” that “William Morris Endeavor Entertainment LLC discriminated against [me] in violation of pertinent federal, state, and local law prohibiting discrimination on the basis of race” and indicated that I would receive the full gamut of monetary damages which was to be determined during phase 2 of our bifurcated proceeding. [When I filed my Demand for Arbitration with the American Arbitration Association, I sought $125 million.]

As a result of the immense fraud that William Morris, Loeb & Loeb LLP and their co-conspirators have engaged in, William Morris has never had to face any repercussions for their unlawful employment practices, policies and procedures since this law was passed 50 years ago and based on the decisions of Republican appointed federal judges Robert P. Patterson and P. Kevin Castel of the Southern District of New York (as well as federal judges in the Second Circuit and Supreme Court), they and other tortfeasors who are maintaining employment practices in violation of Title VII, will never have to fully comply with the various federal, state and local laws prohibiting discrimination in employment and conspiracies to monopolize on the basis of race. Smh.

Source: Sidney Charlotte Reynolds. “Closing a Discrimination Loophole: Using Title VII’s Anti-Retaliation Provision to Prevent Employers from Requiring Unlawful Arbitration Agreements as Conditions of Continued Employment.” 76 Wash. L. Rev. 957. (2001).

“With the Civil Rights Act of 1991, Congress reiterated that ‘[i]t is in the interest of American society as a whole to assure that equality of opportunity in the workplace is not polluted by unlawful discrimination. Even the smallest victory advances that interest.'”

Nothing but empty rhetoric…

Source: H.R. Rep. No. 102-40(I), at 46-47 (1991), reprinted in 1991 U.S.C.C.A.N. 549, 584-85.

“Supreme Court Allows Texas Law That Accepts Handgun Permits but not College IDs to Vote.”

The Supreme Court decision effectively boosts efforts by Republican-controlled legislatures to put new ID requirements into effect before November.

Source: Daniel Politi. Slate. October 18, 2014.  http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_slatest/2014/10/18/supreme_court_allows_strict_texas_voter_id_law.html.

“This Article attempts to provide a basis for removing from racism the veil of protection it sometimes has received from the First Amendment…”

Source: Carla D. Pratt. Should Klansmen be Lawyers? Racism As An Ethical Barrier to the Legal Profession. 30 Fl. State Law Review 857, 864. 2003.

“Accountability for bad appointments can be attributed to the president or governor who selects the judge.”

Source: Geoffrey P. Miller. Bad Judges. 83 Tex. L. Rev. 431, 469. December, 2004.