Tagged: Antonin Scalia

“US Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia — one of most conservative members of the high court — has died. Justice Scalia’s death could shift the balance of power on the US high court, allowing President Barack Obama to add a fifth liberal justice to the court. The court’s conservative majority has recently stalled major efforts by the Obama administration on climate change and immigration. Justice Scalia, 79, was appointed by President Ronald Reagan in 1986. He died in his sleep early on Saturday while in West Texas for hunting trip, the US Marshall service said. Justice Scalia was one of the most prominent proponents of ‘originalism’ — a conservative legal philosophy that believes the US Constitution has a fixed meaning and does not change with the times.”

Scaliadeadracist

OMG!!!! I can’t believe this! It’s almost as if my prayers have been answered. In my latest petition to the Supreme Court, I asked Scalia [and Chief Justice Roberts] to disqualify himself from deciding my Petition for Reconsideration because I believed he was racist and was unfit to impartially decide my case due to his bias, prejudice and impropriety.

My petition can be read below.

Good riddance! Now if only the universe could get rid of the other corrupt & racist Justices on the bench…

“Speaking at the conservative National Review Institute’s ideas summit in Washington, D.C., on Thursday, [Jeb] Bush called Antonin Scalia ‘far and away the most interesting opinion writer’ on the court and praised the conservative justice for his textualist approach to the U.S. Constitution. Yet the justice he is ideologically closest to, Bush said, was Clarence Thomas. ‘There’s a quiet and consistency there I like and I generally agree with his views,’ Bush said, referring to Thomas’ famous habit of not asking any questions during oral arguments. The two justices belong to the conservative bloc that, along with swing vote Anthony Kennedy, has pushed the court to the right in recent years. The two other members of the bloc — Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito — were appointed to the court by former President George W. Bush, Jeb’s brother.”

He’s a Bush, so there’s no question that Jeb’s also not in favor of racial equality, but these recent statements are very revealing because they give a glimpse into the type of person Jeb would appoint to serve as the next justice on the Supreme Court should Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg retire in the near future. One thing is for certain: If Jeb Bush (or any Republican for that matter) is elected into office as the next president of the United States, there will be no social progress and race relations in America will not improve. Things will only worsen.

Source: Igor Bobic. “Jeb Bush Admires Clarence Thomas, Thinks Antonin Scalia Is The ‘Most Interesting Opinion Writer’.” Huffington Post. April 30, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/04/30/jeb-bush-supreme-court_n_7184774.html.

“The Supreme Court’s decision in University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center v. Nassar[, 133 S. Ct. 2517 (2013)] represents a watershed moment in employment discrimination litigation. The majority opinion posited that an employee might try to avoid termination by filing a fake retaliation claim against his employer. It also expressed fears about courts, administrative agencies, and employers being subjected to floodgates of litigation. It then explicitly used these concerns about fakers and floodgates to tip substantive discrimination law in an employer-friendly direction.”

Nassar expresses three ideas about employees and their claims. First, the sheer volume of cases is enough to favor a more onerous causal standard. Second, enough employees will bring false claims that substantive retaliation doctrine needs to protect courts, administrative agencies, and employers from fakers. Third, existing procedural mechanisms are not adequate to ferret out these false claims. Rather, they must be dealt with by altering the substantive law.

This Article responds to the alleged fakers and floodgates problem. First, it argues that the Court has created reasons to alter the law that are not grounded in congressional intent. Title VII contains numerous provisions that limit the reach of the statute. Beyond these restrictions, Congress never expressed any intention to limit the number of claims heard by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) or the courts based on concerns about the sheer volume of such claims. Nor did Congress express any intent that the courts use the substantive law to screen for false retaliation cases. Through various provisions in Title VII, Congress established a statute designed to protect employers, employees, and courts. Multiple provisions establish a mechanism to ensure that employees are able to bring claims, that employers can adequately defend against claims, and that courts do not hear claims that can be resolved by the EEOC. Moreover, Title VII was enacted in the presence of several existing devices that can be employed to stem any false claims and any related floodgates of litigation. These devices allow judges to sanction parties who file false claims and to dismiss these cases. While the Supreme Court considers these devices to be adequate to handle the misbehavior of employers, in Nassar the Court rejected the possibility that procedural mechanisms are sufficient to deal with false claims filed by employees.

Second, although we argue that the Court’s fakers and floodgates arguments are improper, they are also problematic because they are not supported by empirical or other evidence. To the contrary, available evidence shows that the number of employment-related civil rights claims is decreasing both in raw numbers and in proportion to the number of civil claims filed in federal court.”  This Article questions whether the judiciary generally, and the Supreme Court in particular, is the best institution to make factual claims about fakers and floodgates.

Third, this Article also challenges the accuracy of the Court’s assertion that changing the substantive law will reduce the number of spurious claims. At best, such a change is a blunt instrument for handling frivolous claims. Most importantly, changing the law represents a choice about what counts as legal retaliation and what does not. By requiring plaintiffs to establish but for cause, the Supreme Court has declared that an employer does not retaliate against an employee (in a legal sense) if the causal connection is less strong. In other words, if an employee can show only that retaliatory motive was a motivating factor in her termination, she has not suffered retaliation under Title VII. 

Fourth, we discuss the dangers of the floodgates and fakers arguments becoming explicitly embedded in judicial doctrine. Such a default position distracts from the larger congressional goal of preventing retaliation and confuses the underlying legal doctrine. Thus far, two courts have already cited the Court’s concerns in their opinions. This Article calls for the EEOC and other organizations concerned with employment discrimination to develop a factual response to arguments about fakers and floodgates before these myths develop into an uncontestable judicial narrative that courts can use to justify other changes in the law.

Finally, we argue that the fakers and floodgates arguments are consistent with a broader problem-courts’ infusion of their own views of evidence of discrimination into procedure and substance. Courts use these devices to prevent juries from hearing factually intensive civil rights cases, even when a plaintiff presents evidence of a colorable claim. (emphasis added)

Smh…

Source: Sandra F. Sperino and Suja A. Thomas. Fakers and Floodgates. Stanford Journal of Civil Rights & Civil Liberties. pg. 223-225. June 2014.

“Today, the Supreme Court continued that tradition in a pair of five-to-four decisions narrowly construing the scope of Title VII’s retaliation and employer liability rules. In University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center v. Nassar, the Court strictly interpreted a statute that Congress enacted to overrule a prior Supreme Court decision, holding retaliation claims to a stricter standard of proof than other forms of discrimination claims. In Vance v. Ball State University, the same majority narrowly defined who counts as a “supervisor” whose discrimination is automatically attributed to an employer. Justice Ginsburg, writing for the Court’s four more liberal Justices, invoked the history of congressional overruling of the Court’s employment discrimination decisions to call upon Congress to once again reverse both decisions issued today.”

There goes that word (“narrowed”) again! Smh! I’m curious to know since 2000, how many employment discrimination and civil rights cases has the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the employee? Given that majority of the justices on the Supreme Court were appointed by Republican Presidents, this  5-4 outcome in favor of employers and corporations will continue to persist in employment discrimination and civil rights related cases until the ideological makeup of the court changes. No matter what the Civil Rights Act of 1964 states or what one argues, the majority white justices always find a way to narrowly apply the statute to the facts of the case —  to the point that over time, the case law becomes ineffective in combating more institutional, systemic and insidious forms of racism and discrimination in the workplace. This is not accidental. Ultimately, the SCOTUS’s decisions in these cases are predetermined due to their overall ignorance and hostility to the civil rights laws of this country. How can this problem be corrected?

Source: Kevin Russell. Court Rules For Employers in Two Employment Discrimination Cases. June 24, 2013. http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/court-rules-for-employers-in-two-employment-discrimination-cases/.

and whether I was an employee or not, it still doesn’t change the fact that a “private attorneys general” could, under DISPARATE IMPACT theory alone, pursue and prevail on claims that William Morris is violating the Civil Rights Act of 1964, New York City Human Rights Laws and additional antidiscrimination statutes prohibiting discrimination in employment on the basis of race…

Since disparate impact theory was restored through the 1991 Amendments to the Civil Rights Act of 1964, it is clear with my case that our nation’s majority conservative judiciary has been successful at weakening this theory once again. In 2009, one Republican appointed Supreme Court justice Antonin Scalia stated in Ricci v. DeStefano, that disparate impact was quite possibly “unconstitutional” and constituted disparate treatment against whites. My case clearly proves otherwise, which is why — consciously and/or unconsciously — all of the finders of fact that have been involved in my case, have tried so hard to ignore the pyramid of historical and statistical evidence demonstrating William Morris’ intentional violations of the Civil Rights Act  predating, as well as occurring during, my employment. Of course William Morris and Loeb & Loeb LLP could play their games of ignorance and pretend that this evidence was never mentioned and/or is irrelevant to the overall claims that I have raised in this case (e.g. which include violations of antitrust law and conspiracy to interfere with human rights of people of African descent), but the same cannot be said for the finder of fact challenging the institutionally racist practices, policies and procedures of William Morris, given that s/he is presumed to be “impartial,” “neutral,” “independent,” “ethical,” “objective” etc., has a duty to “administer justice without respect to persons” and “faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent upon [a federal judge] under the Constitution and laws of the United States.” It has been 50 years since the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed and 23 years since it was last amended. It is clear that this law must be strengthened in order to eradicate structural and institutionalized forms of racism that still persist throughout the American workplace.

If you are African American (or a person of color) who applied to William Morris’ Agent Trainee program in New York of Beverly Hills between 2000 and present, and was rejected,  please contact me at humanrights.areamust@gmail.com. Also, if you were hired and feel you were discriminated against because of your race, color and/or national origin, contact me as well and share your story.

“Unlike the disparate treatment theory, the disparate impact theory combats not intentional discriminatory practices but facially neutral practices that limit or exclude, unnecessarily and disparately, opportunities or benefits for groups and individuals deemed to [be] members of protected classes even though not adopted with discriminatory intent. The clear message to defendants from the substantial body of law on the disparate impact theory was an either-or proposition: Either affirmatively prove that facially neutral employment practices are required by business necessity or adopt policies that neutralize the disparate impact. Failure to do either subjected the defendants to broad structural judicial compliance orders which, in most cases, imposed substantial costs on the defendants because among other things, most of the disparate impact cases were brought as large, broadly defined class actions. In addition, courts tended to retain[] jurisdiction over the cases for a substantial period of time to monitor the defendants’ compliance with remedial orders. The costs of monitoring the decrees, which often was done by an independent neutral, were imposed on defendants.”

Source: Robert Belton, The Role of the Private Attorney General in Achieving Compliance with Workplace Laws, 2009.